Home » Uncategorized » The Qarase and Bainimarama years are basically similar and similarly motivated. Frank is just another of the “old” politicians.

The Qarase and Bainimarama years are basically similar and similarly motivated. Frank is just another of the “old” politicians.

In his book recently published by ANU, Auckland University and former USP academic, Dr Steven Ratuva, lays bare the aims, conflicts and shortcomings of Fiji’s affirmative action programmes.

Whether or not one agrees with his thesis that a major policy construct of the Qarase and Bainimarama years is basically similar and similarly motivated— I think he pays too little attention to their differences—the book is a ‘must’ read. Congratulations, Steve, on a most thorough and closely reasoned analysis. — ACW.

Steve’s book may be downloaded by clicking here.

 

Post 2006 Affirmative Action: Development at Gunpoint

Despite public denial, Bainimarama’s pro-indigenous development initiatives are tantamount to affirmative action and tend to be very similar to the Qarase government’s approach. The only difference was that Qarase was more explicit about his pro-indigenous policies while Bainimarama is less so. While Bainimarama has been careful not to contradict his purported multicultural ideology, he is under immense pressure to put in place pro-indigenous policies as a way of mobilizing indigenous support and loyalty. However, his pro-indigenous development initiatives perhaps betrayed the ethno-nationalist side of him, which he has often concealed and even denied.

The major difference between Bainimarama’s and Qarase’s versions of pro-indigenous policy is that Qarase tries to appeal to the indigenous sense of culture and identity through use of the mainstream institutions such as the GCC, the Methodist Church and provincial councils. On the other hand Bainimarama tries to appeal to people’s sense of socio-economic need by directly engaging and influencing the indigenous people himself through personal appeal and rural projects while weakening indigenous institutions which he thinks are in the way.

With the 2014 election looming, Bainimarama and other potential indigenous Fijian leaders will be in competition to win indigenous Fijian seats, and one has to play the ethno-nationalist game strategically. This is despite the new proportional open-list electoral system, which is meant to nullify ethnic mobilization and promote trans-ethnic voting. Bainimarama has been doing his own indigenous mobilization through rural development initiatives, despite the well-rehearsed rhetoric of multiculturalism and opposition to ethno-nationalism.

Despite the crippling of the old order and the attempt to re-create a new one, very little has changed in terms of the development paradigm for indigenous Fijians. No innovation in land development and indigenous entrepreneurship has occurred. The same rural division of labour based on leasing indigenous land, which kept indigenous Fijians economically marginalized, persists, and it could even be deepened by the land bank project. Indigenous Fijians continue to be tools of political manipulation by their own elites to serve their economic or ethno-political interests.

As this book has demonstrated, all the coups since the first one in 1987 have made insignificant changes to the lives of indigenous Fijians generally, although some individuals were direct beneficiaries. Like Rabuka, Qarase and Chaudhry, Bainimarama has missed another important opportunity to raise indigenous development to another level of innovation. His major problem was not his lack of commitment to reform or enhancement of indigenous interests, but rather his contradictory approach: preaching against ethno-nationalism and affirmative action but practising them at the same time under different guises.

Affirmative action under Qarase, as we have seen, was subject to abuse. However, because of heavy censorship of the media, possible abuse under Bainimarama cannot be fully ascertained and things may surface later after the eagerly awaited 2014 election.

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5 thoughts on “The Qarase and Bainimarama years are basically similar and similarly motivated. Frank is just another of the “old” politicians.

  1. that’s why Frank had handpicked Qarase to lead the country after the Speight coup instead of abiding by the court order to restore the elected government.
    these two were birds of the same feather. their falling out was the result of political power struggle not so much any substantive policy difference.
    Qarase was installed in power by Frank but after a period as interim PM , he formed a political party, used government resources to buy votes, his men to rig the elections and win and become a democratically elected PM. He then adopted the view that his stay in power was no longer dependent on Frank. He got his own set of inner circle advisers and put Bainimarama effectively out of the political loop.
    That’s when Frank decided to turn the table on him.
    And the rest is as Steven says pretty much same same after the takeover.

  2. well Frank is in fact doing the very same thing he had accused Qarase of : voting buying, corruption, nepotism.
    at least Qarase was not a mafia style thug.
    Frank is.

  3. Qarase was a representative of the urban elite, a well educated and intelligent banker with a strong background in the commercial world. Frank on the other hand is a representative of the uneducated commoners who – in the absence of guns – would be populating institutions such as St Giles. Now since Fiji has become an equal opportunity country, even the morons have a chance at leading our wonderful little Banana Republic.

  4. Here’s the key difference between the two thieves: Qarase and Bainimarama – one stabs the people slyly from the back whilst the other does it straight up front i.e. in your face.

    Much depends on which mode you pathetic followers prefer, the one that you can see coming a mile off or the type who rips you off while politely nodding and smiling at your impressionable and unsuspecting gullible face.

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